The Shift in historical perception from tradition to modern in Viet Nam in the early twentieth century
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
The Shift in historical perception from tradition to modern in
Viet Nam in the early twentieth century
by Vu Thi Thu Thanh (Southern Institute of Social Sciences)
Article Info: Received 27 Jan. 2021, Accepted 1 Mar. 2021, Available online 15 Mar. 2021
Corresponding author: thuthanhkhxh@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the intelligentsia of the colonial
countries and ones being threatened by Western colonial dominance in Asia
began to re-perceive the problems of sovereignty, nation-state, and re-ask
questions like "What is history for?" as well as review what previous historians
wrote about their national history. From re-realizing history and rewriting history
according to new perspectives, historiography in these countries has shifted from
"traditional" to "modern" with taking Western science as the main direction.
Vietnamese historiography is also not out of that general change. Examining the
product of historical books at the beginning of the twentieth century, Phan Boi
Chau is considered as the pioneer historian for that historiographical turn. The
article focuses on analyzing the new historical viewpoints of Phan Boi Chau from
the global perspective of the flow of thought in Asian countries at that time.
Keywords: traditional historiography, modern historiography, historical
perception, Phan Boi Chau, the early twentieth century
1. Introduction
In a study about the change of historical perception and writing in a global context,
Iggers, Wang et al. (2008) interested in the contacts between Western and non-Western
historical writing traditions. The authors noted that upholding nationalism in colonial
countries deprived of sovereignty was the most tendency that built up through the
94
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
rewriting of their national history by the indigenous intellectuals based on new concepts
imported from the Western such as "civil rights", "sovereignty", "intellectual standard",
"civilization", "demographics”, “nationality” (Iggers, Wang, et al., 2008; see also
Miller, 1995; 2011). However, for Vietnam, Iggers, Wang, et al (2008) argued that since
the 30s of the twentieth century, the historical writing in Vietnam has just started to
enter a new, modern perspective that influenced mainly by French historical thought
(Iggers, Wang, 2008, p.225). Meanwhile, David Marr (1981) affirmed that Phan Boi
Chau could be considered the first modern historian of Vietnam when he rejected
Confucian moralist historiography (David Marr, 1981, p.255). Ta Ngoc Lien (2007)
said that Phan Boi Chau was the first person to open a new historiography in Vietnam,
but different from the author from above, he has put together the entire Vietnamese
historical shift in the first half of the twentieth century is “new history” while the
historical perceptions of Phan Bội Châu different from Vietnamese historians post-him.
In terms of historical perception, Phan Boi Chau was influenced by Western ideology
indirectly through contact with thinkers and politicians in East Asian countries and
reading the newspapers and literatures of them. Hue-Tam Ho Tai (1992) said that Phan
Boi Chau was immersed in the writings of Luong Khai Sieu, Khang Huu Vi, through
which he became acquainted with the ideas of Rousseau, Montesquieu and knew the
names of the nineteenth-century nationalists such as Mazzini and Cavour (Tai, 1992,
p.23, see also Milner, 2011, p.553). But, historians after Phan Boi Chau in the first half
of the twentieth century were influenced directly through training, contacting, and
working with French scholars, and then they followed a historical perspective different
from Phan Boi Chau such by review Iggers, Wang (2008) stated above..
A comprehensive assessment of the historical viewpoint of Phan Boi Chau must include
the work of Tran Van Giau. In the book titled Development of Ideas in Vietnam from
the Nineteenth Century to the August Revolution (Vol. 1), Tran Van Giau (1997)
dedicates one chapter to discussing philosophical and political ideas as well as the
historical view of Phan Boi Chau, focusing his "progress" or "development" views
instead of the historical cyclical notions of traditional Confucian historiography toward
Vietnamese history. However, up to now, Vietnamese historians mostly use Marxist
historiography as the starting point and also the endpoint of historical evaluations and
interpretations, still category Phan Boi Chau’ historical view in the bourgeois
historiography, because they divide the historical writing globally only the history was
written between by the bourgeois historians and by the proletarian historians. That leads
scientific discussions and research to get into a rut, without creativity and exploration
because any historical views cannot escape from that determinism.
This article presents the historical views of Phan Boi Chau in the global perspective of
the circulation of ideas in the contact between Eastern and Western in the Asia region in
95
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
the late nineteenth and early twentieth to recognize the universal and the particular
points. Each period in history has significant implications of its time, trying to outline
and understand what happened in its historical context is to better understand its social
structure and social mobilities, thereby seeing the diversity, multi-directional, universal,
and specificity of forms of social activities and lives. It is also not out of the purpose of
understanding the choice, identity, and position of each nation-state in global history.
This is a context-based historical approach instead of a deterministic historical
approach. In this article, besides clarifying what is “new” in Phan Boi Chau's historical
outlook compared to traditional historiography, we present a modern historical
framework of Phan Boi Chau based on pair of concepts nation-state is analyzed on the
citizenry-territory relationship that discarded the old historiographical framework based
on the relationship between rulers and subjects; of dynasties, individual rulers, and good
or evil advisors.
2. Method
We used two analytical methods for the documents were printed in Vietnam late
nineteenth and early twentieth century: historical comparative method and context
analysis method. Historiographical comparission between the Western and the Eastern
means to seek the patterns and formulas that are commonly used to write their country’s
past, especially in Asian countries, then compare with the written products of
Vietnamese historians at the same time to find the similarities and differences. To
analyze the historical cognitive transition from traditional to modern, a lexical-semantic
network of indigenous languages was presented clearly in a new nationalist perspective;
a new narrative style, and new possible directions for the ladder of civilization. The
context analysis method is based on the research article, historical writings. We
classified and sorted by themes and topics: Asian publishing markets; the prominent
authors-historical works from time to time; the societal-political-cultural ideological
movements appeared in the early twentieth century and their consequences; the
sovereignty status of states and the relationship between the colonial government and
the social classes in colonial nation; educational and intellectual status, ideological
exchange between countries. These topics were then examined to create a large context
for the flow of thought and information in the early twentieth century.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, there are two remarkable historical works:
Viet Nam vong quoc su [History of the Loss of Vietnam] (1905) and Viet Nam quoc su
khao [A Study of Vietnam’s National History] (1909) that written by Phan Boi Chau.
Until 1920 Tran Trong Kim's Viet Nam su luoc [Brief History of Vietnam] just had
printed, but this work follows a different historical narrative style and in an alternative
96
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
social context change. Based on the emergence of a new lexical-semantic system,
including combining them to create a new narrative for Vietnamese history in these
historical writings, we try to noted Phan Boi Chau's outlook in a global perspective and
to bring a new interpretation about him in history of Vietnamese historiography.
3. Results
Traditional historiography in Vietnam in the nineteenth century
The concept of "traditional history" was used by Ta Ngoc Lien (2007) in the article
entitled Su hoc Viet Nam trong nua dau the ky XX va nhung dac diem cua no
[Vietnamese History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century and Its Features]. The
Vietnamese tradition of historical writing is a practice based on Confucian morality
originating from the Confucian Four Book and Five Classics (see Chau Long, Le Kim
Ngan, 1970). They focused on the annual-biographical dynastic histories; the activities
of ruling families and provided models of correct behavior. Since this historical practice
existed during the feudal period, it is also called feudal or Confucian historiography.
The Nguyen dynasty was the last in the monarchy in Vietnamese politics, but in the
history of Vietnamese history, this period was the strongest development stage in
number the quality of the historical products printed. Considering only the activities of
the historians and the official works, that is by mandarin historians and the Nguyen
Dynasty’s publishing, the number is far higher than the number of publications of the
previous dynasties (Phan Thuan An, 1998). In the early nineteenth century, after
conquering land to a term, the Nguyen emperors paid great attention to the compilation
of national history, viewing it as a useful cultural tool in stabilizing and consolidating
the Vietnamese people's consciousness after a long period of disagreements, divisions,
and consolidation of the role and prestige of the Nguyen Dynasty (Nguyen Huu Tam,
2008, p.39). In 1811, Gia Long established Su Cuc [the History Department] and
enactments two imperial orders to collect historical documents that recorded in the past
decades in population to write national history (Quoc Su Quan Trieu Nguyen, Vien Su
hoc translated, 2007, p.120, 121, 138). In 1820, Minh Mang continued to promulgate
one royal decree and one imperial order to establish Quoc Su Quan [the National
History House] to replace Su Cuc [the History Department] from The Gia Long’s period
and request to gather documents from the people.
Quoc Su Quan [National History House] operated in 1821 and ended in 1945, is the
place to compile many historical works for the Nguyen Dynasty such as Dai Nam Thuc
Luc [The Veritable Records of Dai Nam] (560 volumes), Dai Nam Nhat Thong Chi
[The Unification Records of Dai Nam] (47 volumes), Minh Mang Chinh Yeu [Essential
Records of Minh Mang] (25 volumes), Kham Dinh Viet Su Thong Giam Cuong Muc
97
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
[The Imperially Ordered Mirror and Commentary on the History of Viet] (53 volumes),
…In addition to the task of compiling, it is also a place to engrave, copy, distribute,
archival many validities historical sources. Commenting on the activities of the Quoc Su
Quan, Phan Thuan An said that there is no previous agency that has compiled and
engraved such large works in Vietnam before the nineteenth century (Phan Thuan
An,1998, p.47). Besides, there are also works not compiled by the Nguyen dynasty’s
official historians agencies such as Lich trieu tap ky [ ] of Le Cao Lang, Lich Trieu Hien
Chuong Loai Chi [Categories Records of the Institutes of Successive Dynasties] of Phan
Huy Chu, Viet Su cuong muc tiet yeu [Essential Records and Commentary on the
History of Viet] of Dang Xuan Bang...At this time, the geographic-historical writings
also strongly developed, perhaps because of the division of Dang Trong - Dang Ngoai
ended, along with the process of Nam tien [Southern Advance] and breaking southward
fallow land that created the Vietnamese territory is much larger than that of the 15th
century. On the other hand, it was the process of land redistribution and local
administrative apparatus establishment after Gia Long was crowned. The typical works
for this historical-geographic line include Gia Dinh Thanh Thong Chi [Gia Dinh Citadel
Records] of Trinh Hoai Duc, Nghe An's sign by Bui Duong Lich, Hoang Viet Du Dia
Chi [Records of the Imperial Viet Terrioties] of Phan Huy Chu…(further bibliography,
see Dang Duc Thi, 1998)
Evaluation of historical works in the twentieth century, Dang Duc Thi (1998) argued
that Bien Nien [the Annals] is still the mainstream, besides there are Thuc Luc [The
Veritable Records] and Cuong Muc [Commentary] and the historical works at this time
clearly show the research inquires, carefully chose “factual" events than before use.
They used many different documents to compare and select an event to become a
historical event. In the first half of the nineteenth century, historical recording activities
were mostly reserved for the historical periods of the Nguyen lords and Nguyen kings,
but in the second half of the nineteenth century, the Nguyen dynasty compiled Kham
Dinh Viet Su Thong Giam Cuong Muc [The Imperially Ordered Mirror and
Commentary on the History of Viet] that was general history which from the Hung King
dynasty to 1789 (Dang Duc Thi, 1998, pp. 74-75). In summary, the traditional historical
writing style is generalized in the following points: (i) using the narrative form of Bien
Nien [The Annals], Thuc Luc [The Veritable Records] and Cuong Muc [Commentary]
to write history; (ii) the main recording object of the origins and activities of ruling
families and personages; (iii) evaluation and commentary on historical events and
figures based on the Confucian’s worldview (Dang Duc Thi, 1998).
Historiography shift from traditional to modern in Asia in the early twentieth century
Anderson (1991) argues that language is an important trace to consider the shift from
traditional to modern by saying that “the convergence of capitalism and print
98
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
technology on the fatal diversity of the human language created the possibility of a new
form of imagined community, which in its basic morphology set the stage for the
modern nation” (Anderson, 1991, p.46). Indeed, Milner (1995) used many Malay
documents to trace the development of modern political consciousness in Malay society
and recognized that modern language appeared only in Malay and Indonesian language
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Milner, 1995, p.134; see also Kmar,
1997). These documents often describe the decline of the East and the rise of Europe
and then, from which a new spirit is in existence in these countries in the first year of
the twentieth century (Milner, 1995; Rappa, Wee, 2006). Milner (1995) also states that
if the previous historical records were written for the purpose of moral teaching or an
instrument of dogma, the historians, in the early twentieth century, would have accepted
the new constructs and concepts follow the social evolutionary model, in which they
perceive the people role in the historical movement to "pressing forward… to change…
their condition" (Hourani, 1983, p. 114-115). Historians agrued that the sense of
evolution is the process typical to individual development in the self-awareness “man’s
faculties, sentiments, and ideas” (Hourani, 1983, p. 132).
Studies on the formation of modernity in China society showed that the new perspective
emerged in the literature in the early twentieth century in which the territory,
sovereignty, citizenry, and state must be linked together. That new perception of
China’s past and present is not only strengthened as a practical model for envisioning
China as a modern nation-state (Wang, 2001) but also as a political formula whose the
radical intellectuals such as Luong Khai Sieu, Khang Huu Vi and others who supported
them in the early twentieth century. This perspective was used by historians in China in
the early twentieth century to rewrite Chinese history (Xu, 2008, pp. 30-31; Lin, 2013;
Zeng, 2019). In general, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the national history of
the non-Western regions used the Western ideas, especially the history of civilization, to
build new historiography in which promote social progress (Iggers, Wang, et al., 2008).
Phan Boi Chau - the first modern historian in Vietnamese historigraphy in the early
twentieth century
Vietnamese historiography studies have all confirmed the "progressive" character (Tran
Van Giau, 1997, 149-164) or "pave the way" or "new" (Ta Ngoc Lien, 2007) of Phan
Boi Chau's perspective for the turn of the twentieth century. Considering the merits and
ideology of Phan Boi Chau, David Marr (1981) argues that Phan Boi Chau can be
considered the first modern historian of Vietnamese history (David Marr, p.255). As we
all know, Phan Boi Chau is not only one of the organizers of political movements, but
also a prominent ideological and political propagandist in the early twentieth century
through most of his writings. Therefore, the use of historical writing as a sharp weapon
for the struggle against French colonialism was also not out of his purpose. Phan Boi
99
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
Chau wrote The History of the Loss of the Country (1905) as a denunciation of the
crimes of the French colonialists to the people in his country and the international
communities and he wrote A Study of Vietnam’s National History (1909) as a proposal
for modern solutions to Vietnam. Trying to rewrite nation history according to a new
perspective, Phan Boi Chau got rid of the chronology narrative following the rise and
fall of dynasties, the personages and good and evil advice to give on important topics
for a new perception of a modern nation-state such as the history of national-territorial
formation; the natural resources of the nation; the maintenance and expansion of
borders-territories over time; diplomatic relations. Especially, he presents a state in
terms of the citizenry, territory, and sovereignty in which citizenry was most important.
These headings convince and support the presentation of a Darwinian social
evolutionary of linear development that he was influenced by Chinese neo-writers
(Milner, 2011, p.553). Vietnam's timeline of that linear progress was divided into six
periods: animals, animal-primitive, primitive, primitive-developing, developing, and
civilized. civilized, from civilizing trends to civilization. Finally, Phan Boi Chau
predicts that Vietnam will enter a period of civilization after regaining sovereignty.
Phan Boi Chau's modern cognitive framework differs from the Confucian traditional
framework one in that he does not emphasize the relationship between ruler and subject
in the Confucian state as previous historians, but instead changes to a nation-state
category. He tried to emphasize citizenry to motivate the Vietnamese people to self-
sense their rights, to self-educated, to self-consciously embrace the destiny of their
family as well as the destiny of the nation and the nation and dignify patriotism rather
than personal fidelity to a ruling family (David Marr, 1981, pp. 255-257). Broking the
Confucian connection between politics and morality, Phan Boi Chau also redistributes
the difference between national history and the annals-biographic dynastic histories;
between hero/hostile when he said that "how can national history follow the principles
of the ruling dynasties" (Phan Boi Chau, 1962, p. 33). For him, a person is hostile to a
ruling family, it is called the hostility of each family, but if that person brings benefits to
the nation, the Vietnamese, he is a hero.
Besides, in the traditional perception, the king was considered as a son of heaven, the
theocracy, and the entire people as servants of the ruling, and they are obliged to subdue
the authority. Phan Boi Chau argued that is a mutual relationship rather than a
subordinate relationship for the common good not only of the nation but also for each
member of that state. Phan Boi Chau tried to identify the power structure and found that
the traditional historical writing strengthened that power for the ruling families.
Historical events and personages were chosen for moral teaching, of protecting the
ruler. He restructured that power in the direction of clearly defining the role - the
function of a modern state in domestic and foreign affairs. The government needs to pay
100
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
attention to develop education to intellectual standards, move on the way of civilization
to avoid falling into backward conditions, corruption, closed self-interest. Phan Boi
Chau clarified the responsibilities and duties of each agency in the protection of national
sovereignty, how to balance the harmonious common and private interests. He said the
king-mandarin is just the representatives of the people in a country, the government
along with the cabinet must action how to bring many benefits to the nation and its
citizen; to maintain national independence; have specific socio-economic agenda
declared and discussed with the citizen; has a plan to allocate human and financial
resources for each agenda goal (Phan Boi Chau, 1962, p. 53; 71-72; 76-78; 87-90). For
example, when discussing the exploitation of natural resources for the national
economic development, the interests of the whole government, the people, and
investors, he writes “for every mine is exploited, the engineers, miners and the
bureaucrats were chosen by the government to pick up well-educated staff and agreed
by the people...the profits from mining must be reasonably divided between them"
(Phan Boi Chau, 1962, pp.53).
Discussion
In Asia's idea context, Phan Boi Chau's historical view generally followed the
perception shift from traditional to modernity in common historical interpretation at that
time. First, the basic social evolutionary model of Darwinian's interpretation, in which
time is no longer understood as the "stagnant" "circumvolution" "past is the better time
than now" but rather is the evolution time that evolves with the history of human social
progress. Second, history describes as the process toward civilization in which a culture
is symbolized like the physical form of the human being's spirit. The spirit of a culture
or a nation is understood as the characteristics of civilization or national identity. It is
the character of a people are crystallized from ideology, religion, art, and lifestyle,
where each individual's self-awareness of reason and will and their capacities is the
driving force for the development of society and as result, through the accumulation of
each individual that constitutes social progress (Guizot, 1842, Lecture I, III; Hourani,
1983, p. 115; Bowden, 2004). Third, taking the West's achievement as a ladder toward
civilization, the articles of the intellectual's outside West on social evolution used the
"escape from Asia" "out of the East" as a criterion for diverging universal social
progress. This idea turned out in the early twentieth century, but later it was criticized
because of just an extension of the Western vision away from regional countries outside
the West. Phan Boi Chau also based on those common civilization standards to diverge
his country's past
However, in Vietnamese historiography, Phan Boi Chau not only raises new conceptual
frameworks about the nation-state, truly patriotic sentiment but also gives the possible
solutions for Vietnam's political independence and social progress. Phan Boi Chau tried
101
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
to apply the progressive linear time but integrating the status of the nation's sovereignty,
for him, must be the full and complete sovereignty. He said that only the periods of 548-
571, 939-945, 968-970, and 1428-1429 were the Vietnamese had complete and full
sovereignty. Because the Vietnamese heads of state were gained sovereignty from
China, they refused to be ordained, did not identify themselves as a court of China and
considered themselves king of their country. That means other stages were the period
that Vietnamese sovereignty was incomplete and dependent. Besides, Phan Boi Chau
realized that "traditional historiography did not record anything to the ordinary people,
because they did not have anything worth reminded of" (Phan Boi Chau, 1962, p.77).
Phan Boi Chau did not discuss the rise and fall of dynasties instead that discusses the
rise of the citizenry and the importance of education for the intellectual standards of a
nation. Tran Van Giau supposed that Phan Boi Chau's new perspective only have just
appeared after World War I (Tran Van Giau, 1997, p.164).
4. Conclusion
In the nineteenth century, the Nguyen Kings compiled a huge amount of historical
records according to the traditional historiography that containing much information
about the history and culture of the Vietnamese nation. However, with the collision
between East and West ideological currents during the expansion of colonialism, Asian
intellectuals began to re-perceive their country's history and they thought that their
nation might be escaped the domination of Western colonialism by reaching the
common ladder of the western civilization. Since the second half of the nineteenth
century, Vietnam has become a colonial country of French colonialism. Realizing the
strength and a higher level of civilization of French colonialism, the Vietnamese
intellectuals thought that it was necessary to improve people's intellectual standards
through education and disseminate Western ideas through poetry and printed materials
and Phan Boi Chau is a pioneer in that propaganda work. Through two historical works,
Phan Boi Chau has contributed to changing old historical thinking, although the purpose
of writing history was mainly to serve his political - revolutionary way. Unlike the later
generations of historians such as Pham Quynh, Nguyen Van To, Hoang Thuc Tram who
received the knowledge directly from the French scholars, Phan Boi Chau was the
recipient of new western historical views indirectly from the intellectuals from China
and Japan, most clearly in the idea of Luong Khai Sieu, but those are also common
ideas in the early twentieth century in Asia (see also Iggers, Wang..eds, 2008;
Macintype, S, Maiguashca, J, and Pók, A. 2011; Xu, 2008).
n Vietnamese history, Phan Boi Chau was not a person that creates a historical school
on which based on historical methods and interpretation patterns, but he is considered to
102
Thu Dau Mot University Journal of Science - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021
be one of the modern historians of Vietnam by using the political and social functions of
history to express patriotism for his nation and taking history to carry out political
agendas for his political path. Through that, he gives modern language to his writings to
make a change in the spirit of Vietnamese toward modernity. Compared with other
historical works in Vietnam, the book A Study of Vietnam’s National History written by
Phan Boi Chau has many new insights contributing to the turning point in changing
Vietnamese historiography in terms of historical interpretation. Though at that time,
Leopold von Ranke's positivist methods make him became a modern historian and
history became a science. The positivist method for historical sources includes many
different technical stages to criticize historical data in order to find out historical facts as
"what really happened". When compiling history writings, Phan Boi Chau still knew
that strict requirement, but clearly, he emphasized the political function rather than the
intellectual function of history. However, for Vietnamese historiography, his new
historical views along with the nation-state cognitive framework based on the citizenry-
territorial relationship were included in the rewriting of Vietnamese history, Phan Boi
Chau deserves to be considered the first modern historian of Vietnam.
Referrences
Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities : Reflections on the Orgins and Speard of
Nationalism. London: Verso.
Bowden, B. (2004). In the Name of Progress and Peace: the “Standard of Civilization” and the
Iniversalizing Project. Alternatives, Vol. 29, pp. 43-68.
Chau Long, Le Kim Ngan (1970). Su hoc nhap mon. S i G n: Nxb. V n H o
Dang Duc Thi (2000). Lich su su hoc Viet Nam tu giua the ky XI den giua the ky XIX. TPHCM:
Nxb. Tre.
Guizot, F. (1842). The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the French
Revolution (translated by William Fazlitt). New York: University of New York.
Hoang Hong, Tran Kim Dinh (2020). Lich su su hoc Viet Nam. Ha Noi: Nxb. Dai hoc Quoc gia
Ha Noi.
Hourani, A. (1983). Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939.Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Kmar, Ann. (1997). Java: A Self-Critical Examination of the Nation and Its History. In
Anthony Reid (eds), The Last Stand of Asian Autonomies: Responses to Modernity in the
Diversity States of Southeast Asian and Korean, 1750-1990, (pp. 321-344). New York:
S.T. Martin’s Press. Inc.
Iggers, G.G, Wang, Q.E, eds. (2008). A Global History of Modern Historiography. London and
New York: Routledge.
Lin, Zeng. (2013). Encouter between Languages Liang Qichao’s Translation and Translingual
Practice. New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.15, No. 1, pp. 77-91.
103
Vu Thi Thu Thanh - Volume 3 - Issue 1-2021, p. 94-104
Nguyen Huu Tam (2008). Qua trinh hinh thanh quoc su quan trieu Nguyen. Nghien cuu Lich su,
no. 3, tr. 38-46.
Macintype, S, Maiguashca, J, and Pók, A. (2011). The Oxford History of Historical Writing,
vol.4 (1800-1945). Oxford: Oxford University Press
Marr, David. (1981). Vietnamese Tradition on Trial, 1920-1945. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Milner, Anthony. (1995). The Invention of Politics in Colonial Malaya: Contesting Nationalism
and the Expansion of the Public Sphere. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Milner, Anthony. (2011). Southeast Asia Historical Writing. In A. Milner (eds) The Oxford
History of Historical Writing, vol.4 (1800-1945) pp .537-558. Oxford: Oxford University
Press,.
Phan Boi Chau (1962 [1909]). Viet Nam quoc su khao [A Study of Vietnam’s National History]
(Chuong Thau translate). Ha Noi: Nxb. Giao duc.
Phan Boi Chau (1969 [1905]). Viet Nam vong quoc su [The History of the Loss of the Country]
(Nguyen Quang To translated). Sai Gon: Nxb. Tao Dan.
Phan Thuan An (1998). Quoc su quan trieu Nguyen va gia tri cua no trong nen hoc thuat Viet
Nam [ ]. Trong Viet nam hoc – Ky yeu hoi thao lan thu nhat (tr. 463-473). Ha Noi: Dai
hoc Quoc gia Ha Noi.
Rappa, A.L, Wee, L. (2006). Language Policy and Modernity in Southeast Asia: Malaysia, the
Philippines, and Thailand. USA: Springer.
Ta Ngoc Lien (2007). Su hoc Viet Nam nua dau the ky XX va nhung dac diem cua no. Nghien
cuu Lich Su, số 8, tr. 11-20.
Tai, Hue-Tam Ho (1992). Radicalism and the Origins of the Vietnamese Revolution. USA:
Harvard University Press.
Tran Van Giau (1997). Su phat trien cua tu tuong Viet Nam tu the ky XIX den cach mang thang
Tam (vol. 2). Ha Noi: Nxb. Chinh tri Quoc gia.
Wang, Q.E. (2001). Inverting China through History: the May Fouth Approach to
Historiography. USA: State University of New York Press.
Xu. Xiaoqun. (2008). Trial of Modernity: Judicial Reform in Early Twentieth-Century China
1901-1937. Standford: Standford University Press.
Zeng, Dahua. (2019). Modern Chinese Nationalism and the Awakening of Self-Consiousness of
Chinaese Nation. International Journal of Anthropology and Ethology, Vol. 31, No. 3,
pp. 1-25.
104
Bạn đang xem tài liệu "The Shift in historical perception from tradition to modern in Viet Nam in the early twentieth century", để tải tài liệu gốc về máy hãy click vào nút Download ở trên
File đính kèm:
- the_shift_in_historical_perception_from_tradition_to_modern.pdf